Introduction to Young Muslims

What is/are Young Muslims?

Young Muslims - IS was quick to exploit the enduring malaise of young Muslims, middle-class or disaffected, into a massive fascination through its promises of reconquered dignity, economic promotion, and the status of hero in the war against the Infidels. ^[1] Based on a series of face-to-face interviews with Alam in 2015 and 2016, this paper provides a detailed insight into the allegations, the context in which they emerged, and the implications raised for young Muslims in the education system. ^[2] Therefore, this article employs the narrative theory of translation studies (TS) to highlight how these texts are manipulated through their translation, in order to deceive and brainwash young Muslims in the West. ^[3] The study tries to identify how sensitive issues of Islam are misinterpreted to mislead and terrorize young Muslims. ^[4] This article aims to explain the reception of young Muslims in Thai films. ^[5] The main objective of this research is to analyze the impact of BMF campaign on the purchasing behavior of young Muslims behaviors. ^[6] Its objectives were to support the regime, oppose communism, and the Young Muslim Association of China was established, training of young Muslims for military service. ^[7] On the one hand, resolutions were prepared and adopted at the European level, and a set of measures was developed to accept migrants and provide them with financial and social assistance, which was expected to facilitate the process of adaptation and further lay the foundation for the assimilation of young Muslims. ^[8] A multi-staged sampling technique was used to select young Muslims, both males and females aged 15-24 years. ^[9] Importantly, the research participants claimed, in contrast to the securitised regime that circumscribed their lives as a ‘suspect community’ closing down critical discussion in the public sphere, their (ethnographic) engagement in the field enabled them to inhabit alternative representational spaces to the dominant public framing of young Muslims as dangerous men. ^[10] In a more specific way, this article would like to describe how young Muslims criticize Islamism in their daily lives. ^[11] This research paper examines the creative process used to connect young Muslims with their experience, their faith, and their community through a community-based performance. ^[12] Employing an urban ethnography on everyday lived experiences of young Muslims in Amsterdam, the paper investigates multiple modes through which Othering is sensed, lived, and felt through the body. ^[13] By working across the North and the South through similar mechanisms of sense and subject-making, CVE recruits implementers for the co-production of an expansive global geography of exclusion that locates marginalised young Muslims as global outsiders within. ^[14] So, it is important to measure information literacy among young Muslims about Islamic information. ^[15] Employing (auto)ethnography in Amsterdam, I present public transport as a cross-cultural meeting place with spatial negotiation of difference to study everyday travel experiences of young Muslims. ^[16] This study aims to find how young Muslims use wattpad to write Islamic stories as a means of Islamic da'wah. ^[17] Chapter 2 discusses the fact that jihadism cannot be solely attributed to the disaffected young Muslims. ^[18] Building on research on interreligious romantic relations and accounts of the lives of young Muslims and other ethno-religious minorities in Western societies, we propose that religious in-group bias is stronger for Muslim girls than for Muslim boys. ^[19] We illustrate our argument by drawing on empirical evidence from a qualitative project on experiences of diverse groups of young Muslims, conducted in Groningen, The Netherlands. ^[20] This paper aims to understand how young Muslims in the super-diverse city of Antwerp negotiate the tensions between their religious identification and the broader cultural framework of individualism. ^[21] This study used a conceptual framework based on critical race theory (CRT), identity theory and social capital, to investigate the lived experiences, identities and counter-narratives of six young Muslims (aged 16 to 21 years) in Victoria, Australia. ^[22] A few years ago, during the first session of my elective security studies course on Islamist politics in the Middle East, I went around the room and asked the students, ‘Why are you taking this course?’ In their responses, the students expressed interest in topics like ‘global terrorism’, ‘Islamic fundamentalism’, ‘Muslim immigrants’, ‘radicalism among young Muslims’ and the ‘influx of Muslim refugees’. ^[23] This strategy has resulted in a rather dramatic change, prompting the emergence of the movement of young Muslims who call themselves #IndonesiaTanpaJIL (ITJ). ^[24] On the one hand, there are the educated interviewees and spiritually oriented respondents, who generally criticize the ignorance of most imams and the irrelevance of their sermons to young Muslims in Europe. ^[25] This article describes one of the effects of globalization on young Muslims in Indonesia. ^[26] Keywords: strict Islam, assertion of identity, young Muslims, protest ----- Bibliography: Bucaille, Laetitia/Villechaise, Agnes: Salafist Impregnation of Muslim Youth in France: a Challenge to the Republic?, ERIS – European Review of International Studies, 2-2018, pp. ^[27] We consider how centring these everyday, embodied techniques of the social production of normality makes evident the constrained agency of young Muslims in times of amplified fear and regulation. ^[28] I conclude by arguing that 1) the meanings of the poems are enriched in terms of Islam by viewing them through an Islamic lens and that 2) schools should provide safe spaces for young Muslims to develop their meaning-making and writing. ^[29] In addition, the role of educated young Muslims is considered important as agents of change so that Islamic financial literacy in Indonesia can increase. ^[30] Replete with careful typologies and periodizations, the work reflects the author’s intimate grounding in the world of British Islam, and provides a unique insight into the challenges and successes of four trends he describes as the “reformist Islamist Young Muslims UK (YM), the Salafi-oriented JIMAS (Jamiyyah Ihya’ Minhaj as Sunnah). ^[31] In this essay I discuss artworks by a sample of young people with a Muslim background who participated in the Numur—Islam and I exhibition, which was organised as part of the Young Muslims and Resilience (2016-2018) research project. ^[32] It has been identified the role of religious education in the young Muslims formation. ^[33] An ethnographic study of young Muslims in Indonesia was conducted in order to examine the motivations and cultural practice of K-pop fans. ^[34] I show that internalising fears of their children being radicalised or indeed radicalising others, means parents judge young Muslims’ religious practices through a restrictive moderate/extremist binary. ^[35] The term hijrah in Indonesia is employed to denote term tawbah among contemporary young Muslims. ^[36] We adopt the concept of ‘everyday lived religion’ to analyse the cases of two young Muslims who find their own ways of including Islam into their identity work and their everyday lives. ^[37] Through a study of religious values, the pressures of masculinity, the complexities of family and social life, and attitudes towards work and leisure, Ashraf Hoque argues that young Muslims in Luton are subverting what it means to be ‘British’ through consciously prioritising and re-articulating self-confessed ‘Muslim identities’ in novel and dynamic ways that suit their experiences as a post-colonial diaspora. ^[38] Devoutness to Islam and the Attitudinal Acceptance of Political Violence Among Young Muslims in Germany. ^[39] Drawing on narrative autobiographical interviews with three young Muslims who are actively engaged in religious as well as non-religious voluntary associations, this study delivers an analysis of the dialectics of volunteerism and identity formation. ^[40] Young Muslims as a driver of national change have an important role in introducing Islam that is friendly and open to the modern world. ^[41] Islamic State media strategists have managed to turn the most atrocious horrors into a Hollywood-like spectacle that captures the attention of young Muslims living in the West. ^[42] The aims of this research were to study the problems of young Muslims in the three southern border provinces of Thailand, to study the management methods of government agencies employed to solve the problems faced by young Muslims, and to study the results of government activities, as well as to suggest guidelines for solving the problems faced by young Muslims. ^[43] The emergence of young Muslims since the last decade has led Muslim industry to grow rapidly into the market bringing new social era of Islamic fashion. ^[44] Interviews and observations focused on dialogue activities between Christians in a Lutheran Church of Norway parish, Hindu youth in a nearby Hindu Cultural Centre and young Muslims from the area. ^[45] This group directs its attention, above all, to young Muslims in the Western Diaspora. ^[46]

Among Young Muslims

So, it is important to measure information literacy among young Muslims about Islamic information. ^[1] A few years ago, during the first session of my elective security studies course on Islamist politics in the Middle East, I went around the room and asked the students, ‘Why are you taking this course?’ In their responses, the students expressed interest in topics like ‘global terrorism’, ‘Islamic fundamentalism’, ‘Muslim immigrants’, ‘radicalism among young Muslims’ and the ‘influx of Muslim refugees’. ^[2] Devoutness to Islam and the Attitudinal Acceptance of Political Violence Among Young Muslims in Germany. ^[3]